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Industrial web theory : ウィキペディア英語版
Industrial web theory
Industrial web theory is the military concept that an enemy's industrial power can be attacked at nodes of vulnerability, and thus the enemy's ability to wage a lengthy war can be severely limited, as well as his morale—his will to resist.〔 The theory was formulated by American airmen at the Air Corps Tactical School (ACTS) in the 1930s.
The term "industrial web theory" cannot be found in any official United States Army Air Corps (USAAC) doctrine.〔McMullen, John K. ''The United States Strategic Bombing Survey and Air Force Doctrine''. Graduate thesis, School of Advanced Airpower Studies, Air University, Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama. 2001.〕 Instead, the term was coined in the 1930s by Donald Wilson, an instructor at ACTS, to cover the concept then under development.
==Theory==

Prior theories of bombing were developed by Italian General Giulio Douhet, British Sir Hugh Trenchard and American Colonel Billy Mitchell, each of whom advocated bombing an enemy's population centers as a method of shortening wars and thus ''saving'' more lives than were taken.〔 This theory of area bombardment was taught at ACTS until 1934 but was unpopular in the press and in government. In 1922, a treaty to limit aerial bombardment of civilians was written and promoted by the United States, called ''The Hague Rules of Air Warfare'', but it was not adopted.〔(The Hague Rules of Air Warfare ), December 1922 to February 1923. ''This convention was never adopted''.〕 A similar international proposal was drafted in Tokyo in 1934 regarding the "Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War," but this, too, was not ratified by treaty.〔
In 1935, ACTS instructors studied the probable results of area bombardment and concluded that not enough economic damage resulted from attacks on civilian population centers.〔 Mitchell and the ACTS adjusted their bombing strategy to avoid direct attacks on civilians to be "more in keeping with our humanitarian ideals," though the possibility of attacks on general population centers was retained as a "last resort."〔
The industrial web theory was based on the idea that the economic strength of an industrial nation is composed of interdependent sectors such as manufacturing, mining, utilities and transportation. Any one of the sectors could be targeted with bombs to make the whole system suffer breakdowns and shortages. From 1935, instructors such as Robert M. Webster and Muir S. Fairchild at ACTS studied the industrial interdependence of the United States as a model for targeting an aggressor enemy state.〔 They drew up lists of optimal targets that would produce the greatest disruption for the least expenditure of bombs. Transportation and electric power industries were seen as vital targets, as well as iron ore mining and steel manufacturing.〔Finney, Robert T. (1998) Air Force History and Museums Program. (''History of the Air Corps Tactical School 1920–1940.'' ) Third imprint. Retrieved on November 3, 2009.〕
With the loss of an enemy's economic strength through crippling attack on a vital sector, the theory held that the enemy's will to fight would collapse and that they would surrender or be forced to the bargaining table.〔
In 1934, six ACTS leaders appeared before the Howell Commission to advocate for an independent military air arm for the United States. Webster was joined by Donald Wilson, Robert Olds, Kenneth Walker, Claire Chennault, and Harold L. George—all six spoke about the critical opportunity that could be taken in attacking the cohesiveness of an enemy's industrial web.〔Johnson, David E. ''Fast Tanks and Heavy Bombers: Innovation in the U.S. Army, 1917–1945''. Cornell studies in security affairs. Cornell paperbacks. Cornell University Press, 2003, pp. 160–162. ISBN 0-8014-8847-8〕 George submitted his opinion that a bomber with a range would be available within two years.〔 The Howell Commission (which would develop into the Federal Aviation Commission and then into the Federal Aviation Administration) was interested in the industrial web theory and in the possibility that an independent air arm might stop an enemy from making war. They authorized the General Headquarters Air Force (GHQ Air Force) as a semi-independent arm within the United States Army.〔

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